Across the media landscape, I see a line forming between news outlets that want to cover the Trump crowd in a relatively normal fashion and those that consider the overarching story to be the profound threat of authoritarianism posed by Trump 2.0. Which leaves me asking: Do the usual political stories—what the polls say, for instance—matter as much if Trump moves ahead with plans to deport millions and to place in power assorted extremists? Or if he takes steps to undermine democracy?
In 2018, Steve Bannon summed up the basic political strategy of Trumpism: “Flood the zone with shit.” That is, train a firehose of lies, nonsense, disinformation, propaganda, and outrageous actions on Democrats, progressives, the media, and the citizenry. None of them will be able to keep up fully and counter every piece of crap hurled in their direction. When so much garbage is flying, some portion of it will get through whatever defenses are raised and stick. This is exactly what’s been happening with Trump’s appointments for his second term. The parade of deplorables is too long for the public or the press to keep up with.
It's chilling to think that as this Trump sequel unfolds, there won’t be enough journalists to cover all his villainy and its consequences—either at the local or the national levels. Part of the reason is that the media industry has been decimated in the past two decades, with a sharp decline in news reporters on the beat. Having fewer watchdogs allows grifters, miscreants, and outright crooks to get away with more wrongdoing.
But Mother Jones has been able to thrive in an era when so many other news outlets have gone belly up. It’s no secret how or why: We deliver fierce journalism online and in print to an ever-growing audience. And we can do so because we are supported by our readers. We raise 70 percent of our budget from individual supporters. That’s no easy thing to do, but this affords us an independence that advertising-driven media doesn’t have. And our nonprofit newsroom can’t be bought. We get to passionately pursue wrongdoing, corruption, grift, and abuses of power without fear a billionaire owner or the business department is going to intervene and tell us to cool our heels.
Despite our own ability to conduct powerhouse investigations, I worry that too much of the media isn’t rising to the occasion. The gravitational pull within this industry encourages normalizing politicians and officials and eschewing evaluation and rendering judgments. Trump is a disinformation machine and a threat to democracy. But will these be the central narratives of the mainstream coverage of his second presidency? Can the media maintain the main plot: Trump presents a danger? A degree of acquiescence within certain media quarters is already obvious, and this signals an acceptance of Trump to the public.
As I’ve said before, news outfits should not declare themselves a wing of the anti-Trump resistance. That’s not our job. But in the Trump era, the press ought to think twice about serving up routine White House coverage, especially as Trump looks to limit press freedoms and continues his war on democratic norms and protections.
My suggestion is: not resistance, but not acceptance either. The public needs constant reminders and reports on the Trump crowd’s authoritarian plans, extremist policies, and grifting schemes. These are not conventional times; they require unconventional coverage.
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